{"status":"ok","message-type":"work","message-version":"1.0.0","message":{"indexed":{"date-parts":[[2026,10,25]],"date-time":"2026-10-25T02:09:21Z","timestamp":1792894161002,"version":"4.5.0"},"reference-count":88,"publisher":"MIT Press","issue":"1","license":[{"start":{"date-parts":[[2020,9,14]],"date-time":"2020-09-14T00:00:00Z","timestamp":1600041600000},"content-version":"vor","delay-in-days":622,"URL":"https:\/\/creativecommons.org\/licenses\/by\/4.0\/"}],"content-domain":{"domain":["direct.mit.edu"],"crossmark-restriction":true},"short-container-title":[],"published-print":{"date-parts":[[2019,7,1]]},"abstract":"<jats:title>Abstract<\/jats:title>\n                  <jats:p>Liberals claim that globalization has led to fragmentation and decentralized networks of power relations. This does not explain how states increasingly \u201cweaponize interdependence\u201d by leveraging global networks of informational and financial exchange for strategic advantage. The theoretical literature on network topography shows how standard models predict that many networks grow asymmetrically so that some nodes are far more connected than others. This model nicely describes several key global economic networks, centering on the United States and a few other states. Highly asymmetric networks allow states with (1) effective jurisdiction over the central economic nodes and (2) appropriate domestic institutions and norms to weaponize these structural advantages for coercive ends. In particular, two mechanisms can be identified. First, states can employ the \u201cpanopticon effect\u201d to gather strategically valuable information. Second, they can employ the \u201cchokepoint effect\u201d to deny network access to adversaries. Tests of the plausibility of these arguments across two extended case studies that provide variation both in the extent of U.S. jurisdiction and in the presence of domestic institutions\u2014the SWIFT financial messaging system and the internet\u2014confirm the framework's expectations. A better understanding of the policy implications of the use and potential overuse of these tools, as well as the response strategies of targeted states, will recast scholarly debates on the relationship between economic globalization and state coercion.<\/jats:p>","DOI":"10.1162\/isec_a_00351","type":"journal-article","created":{"date-parts":[[2019,7,29]],"date-time":"2019-07-29T08:01:02Z","timestamp":1564387262000},"page":"42-79","update-policy":"https:\/\/doi.org\/10.1162\/mitpressjournals.corrections.policy","source":"Crossref","is-referenced-by-count":1496,"title":["Weaponized Interdependence: How Global Economic Networks Shape State\n          Coercion"],"prefix":"10.1162","volume":"44","author":[{"given":"Henry","family":"Farrell","sequence":"first","affiliation":[{"name":"Henry Farrell is Professor of Political Science and International Affairs at George Washington University."}],"role":[{"vocabulary":"crossref","role":"author"}]},{"given":"Abraham L.","family":"Newman","sequence":"additional","affiliation":[{"name":"Abraham L. Newman is Professor at the Edmund A. 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