{"status":"ok","message-type":"work","message-version":"1.0.0","message":{"indexed":{"date-parts":[[2026,10,13]],"date-time":"2026-10-13T12:01:06Z","timestamp":1791892866891,"version":"4.3.4"},"update-to":[{"DOI":"10.12688\/f1000research.177771.1","type":"new_version","label":"New version","source":"publisher","updated":{"date-parts":[[2026,8,25]],"date-time":"2026-08-25T00:00:00Z","timestamp":1787616000000}}],"reference-count":13,"publisher":"F1000 Research Ltd","license":[{"start":{"date-parts":[[2026,8,25]],"date-time":"2026-08-25T00:00:00Z","timestamp":1787616000000},"content-version":"tdm","delay-in-days":0,"URL":"https:\/\/creativecommons.org\/licenses\/by\/4.0\/"}],"funder":[{"name":"No funding"}],"content-domain":{"domain":["f1000research.com"],"crossmark-restriction":false},"short-container-title":["F1000Res"],"abstract":"This article examines the structure and role of Vietnamese political culture in the context of the country\u2019s new stage of development, considering the orientations set out in the Draft Political Report submitted to the Fourteenth National Congress of the Communist Party of Vietnam. Applying an interdisciplinary approach that integrates Marxist\u2013Leninist theory, Ho Chi Minh Thought, and contemporary political culture studies, the article conceptualizes political culture not only as a spiritual foundation but also as an internal resource, a soft regulatory mechanism, and a driving force for sustainable development. On this basis, the study proposes a threetier analytical framework of Vietnamese political culture, encompassing values and ideology, norms and political behavior, and institutions and governance culture. Drawing on a synthesis of theoretical perspectives and an analysis of Vietnam\u2019s Renovation experience from 1986 to 2025, the article clarifies the dialectical relationship between political culture, institutional quality, governance effectiveness, and social trust. The findings indicate that Vietnamese political culture is undergoing a gradual transformation from a mobilization-oriented model toward a development- and creativity-oriented model, reflecting the interaction between national traditions, socialist ideals, and modern governance principles. The article also outlines policy implications for institutionalizing politicalculture values, strengthening political culture within governance institutions, and supporting Vietnam\u2019s development goals through 2030 and the strategic vision for 2045.<\/ns3:p>","DOI":"10.12688\/f1000research.177771.2","type":"journal-article","created":{"date-parts":[[2026,8,25]],"date-time":"2026-08-25T06:19:07Z","timestamp":1787638747000},"page":"676","update-policy":"https:\/\/doi.org\/10.12688\/f1000research.crossmark-policy","source":"Crossref","is-referenced-by-count":0,"title":["VIETNAMESE POLITICAL CULTURE: STRUCTURE, ROLE, AND DEVELOPMENT ORIENTATION IN THE NEW ERA"],"prefix":"10.12688","volume":"15","author":[{"given":"Pham Thi","family":"Thuy Van","sequence":"first","affiliation":[{"name":"Phu Tho Ha Noi Pedagogical University 2"}],"role":[{"vocabulary":"crossref","role":"author"}]},{"ORCID":"https:\/\/orcid.org\/0000-0002-6806-5965","authenticated-orcid":false,"given":"LAI QUOC","family":"KHANH","sequence":"additional","affiliation":[{"name":"Hanoi Ho Chi Minh National Academy of Politics"}],"role":[{"vocabulary":"crossref","role":"author"}]}],"member":"2560","published-online":{"date-parts":[[2026,8,25]]},"reference":[{"key":"ref5","doi-asserted-by":"publisher","year":"1965","journal-title":"Political culture and political development.","DOI":"10.1515\/9781400875320"},{"key":"ref6","doi-asserted-by":"publisher","first-page":"5-17","DOI":"10.1353\/jod.2015.0000","article-title":"Political order and political decay: from the industrial revolution to the globalization of democracy.","volume":"26","author":"F Fukuyama","year":"2015","journal-title":"J Democracy."},{"key":"ref16","doi-asserted-by":"publisher","first-page":"3-26","DOI":"10.1177\/0263276420912434","article-title":"Marxism and ideology reconsidered.","volume":"37","author":"J Larrain","year":"2020","journal-title":"Theory Cult. Soc."},{"key":"ref17","doi-asserted-by":"publisher","first-page":"243-261","DOI":"10.1177\/1474885117738140","article-title":"Leninism and the transformation of political consciousness.","volume":"18","author":"N Harding","year":"2019","journal-title":"Eur J Polit Theory."},{"key":"ref18","doi-asserted-by":"publisher","first-page":"365-382","DOI":"10.1080\/00472336.2020.1814365","article-title":"Leninism and party-state resilience: theoretical reflections and contemporary implications.","volume":"51","author":"T Saich","year":"2021","journal-title":"J. Contemp. Asia."},{"key":"ref19","doi-asserted-by":"publisher","first-page":"567-589","DOI":"10.1017\/S0022463420000564","article-title":"Ho Chi Minh Thought and the moral foundations of Vietnamese political legitimacy.","volume":"51","author":"T Vu","year":"2020","journal-title":"J Southeast Asian Stud."},{"key":"ref20","doi-asserted-by":"publisher","first-page":"211-233","DOI":"10.1355\/cs44-2c","article-title":"Political culture and regime resilience in Vietnam.","volume":"44","author":"M Gainsborough","year":"2022","journal-title":"Contemp Southeast Asia."},{"key":"ref21","doi-asserted-by":"publisher","first-page":"731-752","DOI":"10.1017\/S1537592706062488","article-title":"Modernization, cultural change, and democracy: the human development sequence.","volume":"4","author":"R Inglehart","year":"2006","journal-title":"Perspect. Polit."},{"key":"ref22","doi-asserted-by":"publisher","first-page":"551-567","DOI":"10.1017\/S1537592710001258","article-title":"Changing mass priorities: the link between modernization and democracy.","volume":"8","author":"R Inglehart","year":"2010","journal-title":"Perspect. Polit."},{"key":"ref23","doi-asserted-by":"publisher","first-page":"347-368","DOI":"10.1111\/gove.12035","article-title":"What is governance?.","volume":"26","author":"F Fukuyama","year":"2013","journal-title":"Governance."},{"key":"ref24","doi-asserted-by":"publisher","first-page":"22-49","DOI":"10.2307\/20045621","article-title":"The clash of civilizations?.","volume":"72","author":"S Huntington","year":"1993","journal-title":"Foreign Aff."},{"key":"ref29","doi-asserted-by":"publisher","first-page":"97-112","DOI":"10.1257\/jep.5.1.97","article-title":"Institutions.","volume":"5","author":"D North","year":"1991","journal-title":"J. Econ. Perspect."},{"key":"ref33","doi-asserted-by":"publisher","DOI":"10.1017\/9781009403379","author":"J Sachs","year":"2023","journal-title":"Sustainable Development Report 2023."}],"container-title":["F1000Research"],"original-title":[],"language":"en","link":[{"URL":"https:\/\/f1000research.com\/articles\/15-676\/v2\/xml","content-type":"application\/xml","content-version":"vor","intended-application":"text-mining"},{"URL":"https:\/\/f1000research.com\/articles\/15-676\/v2\/pdf","content-type":"application\/pdf","content-version":"vor","intended-application":"text-mining"},{"URL":"https:\/\/f1000research.com\/articles\/15-676\/v2\/iparadigms","content-type":"unspecified","content-version":"vor","intended-application":"similarity-checking"}],"deposited":{"date-parts":[[2026,10,13]],"date-time":"2026-10-13T11:19:29Z","timestamp":1791890369000},"score":1,"resource":{"primary":{"URL":"https:\/\/f1000research.com\/articles\/15-676\/v2"}},"subtitle":[],"short-title":[],"issued":{"date-parts":[[2026,8,25]]},"references-count":13,"URL":"https:\/\/doi.org\/10.12688\/f1000research.177771.2","relation":{"has-version":[{"id-type":"doi","id":"10.12688\/f1000research.177771.1","asserted-by":"subject"}],"has-review":[{"id-type":"doi","id":"10.5256\/f1000research.205037.r514356","asserted-by":"subject"},{"id-type":"doi","id":"10.5256\/f1000research.205037.r514356","asserted-by":"object"}]},"ISSN":["2046-1402"],"issn-type":[{"value":"2046-1402","type":"electronic"}],"subject":[],"published":{"date-parts":[[2026,8,25]]},"assertion":[{"value":"Indexed","URL":"https:\/\/f1000research.com\/articles\/15-676\/v2#article-reports","order":0,"name":"referee-status","label":"Referee status","group":{"name":"current-referee-status","label":"Current Referee Status"}},{"value":"10.5256\/f1000research.196055.r485094, Nguyen Giang, Ho Chi Minh University of Social Sciences and Humanities, Ho Chi Minh City, 19 May 2026, version 1, 3 approved with reservations","URL":"https:\/\/f1000research.com\/articles\/15-676\/v1#referee-response-485094","order":0,"name":"referee-response-485094","label":"Referee Report","group":{"name":"article-reports","label":"Article Reports"}},{"value":"QUOC KHANH LAI<\/b>; \nPosted: 27 Jun 2026<\/i>; The author firmly asserts that the study is \u201centirely based on document analysis and secondary data sources,\u201d \u201cdid not conduct any primary empirical research... such as surveys, interviews,\u201d and therefore \u201cis exempt from oversight by the institutional review board.\u201d In section 4.3, the author unexpectedly includes Table 4.3 with a clearly cited source: \u201cAuthor\u2019s sociological survey, 2025\u201d and analysis \u201cSurvey data (2025) shows...\u201d This is a serious structural and logical inconsistency. If the paper used primary survey data conducted by the author in 2025, then the entire commitment and argument in Part III is completely empty and misleading. \nThis is revised as directed. Section 4.3 contains a table that has been extracted from the datasets from world bank, UNDP and Edelman Trust Barometer to show how macro indicators reflect the developmental context of Vietnamese political culture. These are secondary data sources.<\/i><\/b> In Part II, the author constructed a \u201cTheoretical Overview and Ideological Foundation,\u201d analyzing Marxism-Leninism and Ho Chi Minh Thought. In Part IV (Results and Discussion), subsections 1 and 2 repeat the title and content: \u201cThe approach... of Marxist-Leninist and Ho Chi Minh thought\u201d and \u201cAn integrated approach...\u201d. Including purely theoretical discussion in the "Results" section is structurally incorrect. The Results section should present new findings from the data, not continue the interpretation of classical texts. This makes the article convoluted and repetitive in its conceptual structure. \nThis section has been revised accordingly, and the repetition has been removed. The results section presents new findings from literature and does not restate the theoretical framework.<\/i><\/b> The article completely fails to demonstrate any specific mechanism of impact or causal\/correlational relationship between changes in technical and economic indicators (DTI, GDP) and the cognitive nature of "political culture." The argumentative structure here is broken due to a lack of supporting evidence. \nThe section has been revised accordingly, providing supporting evidence, distinguishes between direct measures and indirect indicators, and acknowledges methodological limitations.<\/i><\/b> The text explains that GDP per capita increased from $98 in 1990 to $402 in 2000. However, in Table 4.1, the figure for 2000 is recorded as "-402". \nThis section has been revised accordingly.<\/i><\/b> Tables 4.1 and 4.2 are very disjointedly structured; the time milestones (2010, 2015, 2020, 2023) and figures (PAPI, HDI, GII, PCI) are scrambled and repeated illogically, making it impossible for the reader to accurately compare the data in the tables with the arguments presented by the author in the text. \nThe tables have been revised accordingly. However, since the table is informed by multiple sources or references, some limitations such as consistency in years are inevitable. Hence a slight variance in years between table 1 and table 2 (The tables have been renamed, from 4.1 to 1 and 4.2 to 2).<\/i><\/b> The article proposes a three-level analytical framework for political culture: (1) values \u200b\u200band ideologies, (2) norms and behaviors, and (3) institutions and governance culture. However, the definitions of levels 2 and 3 are unclear, indistinct, and lack persuasive structural system support. \nBased on the revisions earlier done for the paper, the author has improved on the analytical frameworks for levels 2 and 3.<\/i><\/b> The author argues that high social compliance during the COVID-19 pandemic is evidence that political culture acts as a "social regulatory tool." This argument is flawed because it completely ignores other factors (such as fear of the disease, strict administrative sanctions, and legal pressure) and attributes the result solely to the power of "political culture." \nThe passage has been revised accordingly, acknowledged that political culture most likely acted as a social regulatory tool, bearing in mind that other factors may have also played a role.<\/i><\/b> The author abruptly states: "From this perspective, this model shows that the principle often expressed as 'people know, people discuss, people know' is incorrect." However, the author fails to provide any preceding or following sentence to explain why this familiar principle of grassroots democracy is considered "incorrect," making the argument arbitrary and difficult to understand. \nThe section has been revised accordingly.<\/i><\/b>","URL":"https:\/\/f1000research.com\/articles\/15-676\/v2#referee-comment-16520","order":1,"name":"referee-comment-16520","label":"Referee Comment","group":{"name":"article-reports","label":"Article Reports"}},{"value":"10.5256\/f1000research.196055.r485086, Vivi Indra Amelia Nasution, Faculty of Law, Social, and Political Sciences, Universitas Terbuka, South Tangerang, Banten, 27 May 2026, version 1, 3 approved with reservations","URL":"https:\/\/f1000research.com\/articles\/15-676\/v1#referee-response-485086","order":2,"name":"referee-response-485086","label":"Referee Report","group":{"name":"article-reports","label":"Article Reports"}},{"value":"QUOC KHANH LAI<\/b>; \nPosted: 27 Jun 2026<\/i>; First, the connection between macro performance indicators and individual civic orientations warrants a more cautious interpretation. Since the study relies exclusively on qualitative content analysis and secondary data, the current argument risks drawing conclusions about individual civic behavior from aggregate institutional performance scores, creating a potential ecological fallacy. To maintain consistency with the political culture frameworks cited (Almond and Verba, Pye, Putnam), concepts such as \u201cproactive citizenship\u201d should be explicitly contextualized within the structural constraints of a highly centralized institutional setting. \nThe respective sections have been revised, especially contextualizing the concepts of proactive citizenship to ensure caution.<\/i><\/b> Second, the documentary analysis would benefit from a more balanced engagement with the evidence, as major governance transitions are rarely linear. Incorporating discussions of grassroots implementation frictions, institutional constraints, or real-world governance complexities\u2014such as the bureaucratic anxieties accompanying large-scale anti-corruption campaigns\u2014would provide a more nuanced and analytically grounded assessment. \nThe manuscript has been revised accordingly to factor in this comment.<\/i><\/b> Third, the empirical narrative should be strengthened by complementing current performance-oriented metrics with datasets that track broader structural boundaries of civil society and civil liberties, such as those from the Varieties of Democracy (V-Dem) Institute or Freedom House. Using a broader range of metadata will prevent analytical conclusions from sounding overly optimistic based primarily on administrative or developmental successes. \nThe manuscript\u2019s analysis section was revised to improve the analytical conclusions. Methodological limitations were stated since based on the subject of the study, getting coherent and consistent, and updated, comparable metadata for the analysis was a challenge.<\/i><\/b> Finally, while the domestic focus provides a rich context for the case study, a limited comparative reflection would further enhance the manuscript\u2019s broader scholarly contribution. The projected trends share observable structural patterns with governance adaptations across other regional single-party states. Acknowledging this comparative context and tempering absolute claims would strengthen the final section as a more analytically balanced analysis of state resilience in the 21st century. \nThe respective sections of the manuscript have been revised to strengthen the analytical vigor of the study.<\/i><\/b>","URL":"https:\/\/f1000research.com\/articles\/15-676\/v2#referee-comment-16521","order":3,"name":"referee-comment-16521","label":"Referee Comment","group":{"name":"article-reports","label":"Article Reports"}},{"value":"10.5256\/f1000research.205037.r514356, Nguyen Duy Quynh, VNU University of Social Sciences and Humanities, Hanoi, Hanoi, 07 Sep 2026, version 2, indexed","URL":"https:\/\/f1000research.com\/articles\/15-676\/v2#referee-response-514356","order":4,"name":"referee-response-514356","label":"Referee Report","group":{"name":"article-reports","label":"Article Reports"}},{"value":"The author(s) declared that no grants were involved in supporting this work","order":5,"name":"grant-information","label":"Grant Information"},{"value":"This is an open access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution Licence, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.","order":0,"name":"copyright-info","label":"Copyright"}]}}