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We first revisit the distinction between peripheral adverbial gerund clauses and central adverbial gerund clauses and show that their internal syntax correlates with their external syntax: central adverbial gerund clauses are merged in lower positions and appear to be more defective. We derive their defectiveness from the agree relation established between embedded T\u00a0and matrix T. We then consider predicative gerund clauses and show that they are even more defective and restricted in their aspectual value, lacking a T head. Finally, we consider predicative gerund clauses introduced by <jats:italic>como<\/jats:italic> \u2018as\u2019 and show that, although they are merged in a low position, they are less defective than central adverbial gerund clauses. We attribute this mismatch between the internal and external syntax of this specific type of gerund clause to the presence of the Predicate head <jats:italic>como<\/jats:italic>, which intervenes between matrix T and embedded T and blocks the agreement relation.<\/jats:p>","DOI":"10.1515\/probus-2024-2013","type":"journal-article","created":{"date-parts":[[2024,9,8]],"date-time":"2024-09-08T19:20:32Z","timestamp":1725823232000},"page":"283-317","source":"Crossref","is-referenced-by-count":0,"title":["A gradient typology of gerund clauses: revisiting the internal and external syntax of Portuguese gerund clauses"],"prefix":"10.1515","volume":"36","author":[{"ORCID":"https:\/\/orcid.org\/0000-0002-3290-3381","authenticated-orcid":false,"given":"Maria","family":"Lobo","sequence":"first","affiliation":[{"name":"Universidade Nova de Lisboa\/CLUNL , Lisbon , Portugal"}]}],"member":"374","published-online":{"date-parts":[[2024,9,10]]},"reference":[{"doi-asserted-by":"crossref","unstructured":"Adger, David & Gillian Ramchand. 2001. 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