The moral obligation to obey the law, or as it is generally called, political obligation, is a moral requirement to obey the laws of one\u2019s country. Traditionally, this has been viewed as a requirement of a certain kind, to obey the law because it is the law, as opposed to the content of particular laws. This conception of the \u201ccontent independence\u201d of obligations dates back at least to the time of Thomas Hobbes: \u201cCommand is where a man saith, Doe this or Doe not this, without expecting other reason than the Will of him that sayes it\u201d (Hobbes 1991, cited under Major Historical Sources, p. 176). In characterizing this as a moral requirement, theorists distinguish political obligation from legal obligation. All legal systems demand obedience from those subject to them. Questions of political obligation concern the state\u2019s justification for doing so. Unless citizens have moral requirements to obey the law, the state may be able to compel obedience but is acting unjustly and impinging on their freedom in doing so. Political obligations are also generally distinguished from what we may call prudential obligations. As H.\u00a0L.\u00a0A. Hart argues, if a gunman holds you up, you may be obliged to turn over your money, as the consequences of not obeying could be dire. In contrast, when the state demands that you pay your taxes, you may again be obliged to pay. But if you have political as well as prudential obligations, there is a sound moral basis for the state\u2019s command. In other words, it is right that you comply (Hart 1961, cited under Formal Features of Obligations and Political Obligations, pp. 80\u201388). On this traditional view, the relationship between the state and the individual is expressed in terms of \u201cauthority.\u201d If the state possesses authority, then individuals have moral requirements to obey its commands, and the state has \u201cclaim rights\u201d to their obedience. In recent years, political obligations have generally been conceptualized in a particular way, as applications of familiar moral principles. For instance, as commonly understood, an obligation of gratitude is generated by receipt of benefits from a benefactor, if certain other conditions are met. A gratitude theory of obligation results from taking a general principle of gratitude and applying it to the state, which, on this view, is interpreted as conferring significant benefits on citizens. Citizens have duties to make appropriate returns for benefits received, which they fulfill by obeying the law. Debate over a gratitude theory largely centers upon the necessary conditions for gratitude obligations and whether they are satisfied by state provision of benefits. Similar overall patterns are seen in regard to theories based on consent, fairness, natural duties of justice, and other moral principles. These are developed with great sophistication by numerous scholars, with no agreement on which approach is best. With a number of competing theories of obligation in the literature, theorists generally criticize other views as part of the project of defending their own. Commonly, a theorist begins by arguing for a set of criteria that an adequate theory of political obligation must satisfy. Especially important, as argued by A. John Simmons (Simmons 1979, cited under Overviews), are \u201cgenerality,\u201d that the requisite moral requirements are held by all or most all citizens, and \u201cparticularity,\u201d that they are owed to one\u2019s own country. Having established standards of success, the scholar proceeds to demonstrate that her theory is alone in being able to satisfy them. However, perhaps the dominant trend in the literature in recent years is belief that no theory satisfies the criteria for a successful theory. Scholars who support this position typically examine the familiar accounts of political obligation one by one, rejecting each in turn. This strategy is followed in Smith 1973 and Raz 1979 (both cited under Birth of Skepticism), among others, while Simmons 1979 is probably the most prominent example. For convenience, I will refer to this strategy as the \u201cknockdown\u201d approach. In response to the criticisms of particular theories that have emerged, scholars have attempted to rework the different positions. There has been considerable progress on many different approaches, and much of the literature takes the form of debates about the strengths and weaknesses of particular approaches. But at the present time, no theory has been able to survive scrutiny. The apparent success of the knockdown approach has generated skepticism about both the existence and the possibility of a satisfactory theory of obligation. So-called philosophical anarchists argue that this situation is not as counterintuitive as it may appear, as people are likely still to have moral reasons to obey important laws. For instance, it is clear that Alice has good moral reasons to refrain from killing other people and that these reasons hold whether or not she has a moral requirement to obey a law against murder. Thus it is not clear how much difference a law against murder makes. On this view, then, as long as there are moral reasons to behave in recognizably appropriate ways, disproving the existence of political obligations will not have unduly deleterious effects. While the knockdown approach and its implications have received considerable attention, other scholars have criticized this strategy, while others have attempted other approaches to questions of political obligation. Not surprisingly, the conditions that a satisfactory theory of obligation must satisfy have attracted scholarly attention. For instance, the knockdown approach typically criticizes theories one by one. Having shown that, say, consent is not a satisfactory basis for political obligations, the scholar moves on to the next theory, and then the next. But in response, it is argued that just because a particular theory is not able to establish a complete set of political obligations does not mean it is unable to establish any at all. And so the possibility is raised of combining different approaches or theories in order to construct a new \u201cmultiple-principle\u201d theory. Accordingly, one result of the prominence of the knockdown approach and other criticisms of traditional theories of political obligation has been to raise important wider issues concerning theories of obligation, the nature of political obligations themselves, and the implications if no account proves satisfactory. Much of the literature discussed in this article is organized around particular approaches, both defenses and criticisms. I have distinguished what I view as the more prominent approaches from others that have been developed, but that seem to me less promising or that have received less scholarly notice. But one should recognize that this distinction is somewhat arbitrary, while there are also alternative ways contributions to the literature can be organized. In addition, I have attempted to include both important, recognized contributions and some more recent pieces that seem particularly interesting. Many important discussions of political obligation are chapters in books or articles in collections. These are listed separately, which means that some books appear more than once.<\/p>","DOI":"10.1093\/obo\/9780199756223-0121","type":"reference-entry","created":{"date-parts":[[2015,9,30]],"date-time":"2015-09-30T15:27:18Z","timestamp":1443626838000},"source":"Crossref","is-referenced-by-count":0,"title":["Political Obligation"],"prefix":"10.1093","author":[{"given":"George","family":"Klosko","sequence":"first","affiliation":[]}],"member":"286","published-online":{"date-parts":[[2015,9,29]]},"container-title":["Political Science"],"original-title":["Political Obligation"],"language":"en","deposited":{"date-parts":[[2021,9,23]],"date-time":"2021-09-23T19:33:28Z","timestamp":1632425608000},"score":14.352693,"resource":{"primary":{"URL":"https:\/\/oxfordbibliographies.com\/view\/document\/obo-9780199756223\/obo-9780199756223-0121.xml"}},"issued":{"date-parts":[[2015,9,29]]},"ISBN":["9780199756223"],"references-count":0,"URL":"https:\/\/doi.org\/10.1093\/obo\/9780199756223-0121","published":{"date-parts":[[2015,9,29]]}},{"indexed":{"date-parts":[[2024,5,3]],"date-time":"2024-05-03T10:26:43Z","timestamp":1714732003411},"reference-count":0,"publisher":"Oxford University Press","isbn-type":[{"value":"9780199756223","type":"electronic"}],"content-domain":{"domain":[],"crossmark-restriction":false},"abstract":"
Niccol\u00f2 Machiavelli (b.\u00a01469\u2013d.\u00a01527) stands as one of the most famous and influential thinkers of the Western political tradition. His writings have inspired, guided, outraged, and perplexed intellectuals and politicians alike for more than half a millennium, and even in the 21st century they remain a major subject of academic controversy. Machiavelli is best known for The Prince, a slim volume that purports to teach aspiring princes how to acquire and maintain power. Although nominally a contribution to the \u201cmirror-for-princes\u201d genre, its subversive nature was obvious even to its earliest readers, and Machiavelli\u2019s name has since become synonymous with the cunning, duplicity, treachery, and ruthlessness it depicts. His other major political works include the Discourses on Livy, a much longer study of Roman republicanism, the Florentine Histories, an examination of his own city\u2019s troubled republican past, and Art of War, a dialogue that features contemporary personages, including the mercenary captain Fabrizio Colonna. Whether and how Machiavelli intended these books to form a coherent political philosophy is a matter of considerable debate; nevertheless, they all reflect Machiavelli\u2019s attentiveness to the lessons taught by political history, known to him through classical sources such as Livy, Tacitus, and Polybius and through his own experiences as a chancellor of the Florentine Republic. The authors wish to thank Erica Buonanno and Alexander Trubowitz for their research assistance on this project.<\/p>","DOI":"10.1093\/obo\/9780199756223-0176","type":"reference-entry","created":{"date-parts":[[2016,7,29]],"date-time":"2016-07-29T15:09:21Z","timestamp":1469804961000},"source":"Crossref","is-referenced-by-count":0,"title":["Machiavelli\u2019s Political Thought"],"prefix":"10.1093","member":"286","published-online":{"date-parts":[[2016,7,27]]},"container-title":["Political Science"],"original-title":["Machiavelli\u2019s Political Thought"],"language":"en","deposited":{"date-parts":[[2021,9,30]],"date-time":"2021-09-30T12:19:43Z","timestamp":1633004383000},"score":14.338598,"resource":{"primary":{"URL":"https:\/\/oxfordbibliographies.com\/view\/document\/obo-9780199756223\/obo-9780199756223-0176.xml"}},"issued":{"date-parts":[[2016,7,27]]},"ISBN":["9780199756223"],"references-count":0,"URL":"https:\/\/doi.org\/10.1093\/obo\/9780199756223-0176","published":{"date-parts":[[2016,7,27]]}},{"indexed":{"date-parts":[[2024,5,3]],"date-time":"2024-05-03T10:26:30Z","timestamp":1714731990205},"reference-count":0,"publisher":"Oxford University Press","isbn-type":[{"value":"9780199756223","type":"electronic"}],"content-domain":{"domain":[],"crossmark-restriction":false},"abstract":"
David Hume (b.\u00a01711\u2013d.\u00a01776) was one of the central figures of what we now commonly call the Scottish Enlightenment. He lived and wrote during a time when questions about Scotland\u2019s political future and its place both in Britain and in the world figured prominently. Only four years before Hume\u2019s birth, Scotland united with England to form Great Britain. In the process, the Scots gave up their status as a separate kingdom with its own parliament. The political context of Hume\u2019s world was also shaped by the legacy of the 17th-century political conflicts that had led to the English Civil War, resulting in the execution of one king (Charles I) and the overthrow of another (James II). The Jacobite uprisings of 1715 and 1745\u2014the latter briefly saw Jacobite forces capture Edinburgh\u2014made clear that those conflicts had not yet been settled. The place of religion and religious extremism in politics was still of great concern. It was only in 1696 that Thomas Aikenhead, a twenty-year-old student in Edinburgh, became the last Scot hanged for blasphemy. In Hume\u2019s time, factions within the Kirk (Church of Scotland) competed for control of that institution and the social and political power it wielded. In the British Parliament, and in British society more widely, the often-virulent party politics of the day raised questions about the causes and effects of factionalism. To his contemporaries, Hume was known internationally as a man of letters and as a historian (Even today his entry in the catalogue of the British Library lists him simply as \u201cthe historian\u201d). Hume was also a philosopher and an essayist. Political questions informed much that he wrote. He gave sustained attention to factionalism, religious and political extremism (what Hume termed \u201centhusiasm\u201d), religious toleration, the origins and foundations of government, political authority, liberty, commerce, justice, and many other questions that are of central concern to political theorists. Generally speaking, Hume\u2019s answers to these questions emphasized an empirically grounded account of human nature for understanding politics; the significance of historical and political contexts; the roles of opinion, habits, and conventions in political life; political moderation; and the limits of reason and the role of the passions in morals and politics. Hume developed his political thought most explicitly in political essays of the 1740s and 1750s, and in his multivolume History of England (1754\u20131762). Discussions of justice and allegiance to government, however, appeared first in Book 3 of A Treatise of Human Nature, and then again in revised form in An Enquiry concerning the Principles of Morals. Those interested in Hume\u2019s political thought may also want to consult his works on religion (The Natural History of Religion and Dialogues concerning Natural Religion), and An Enquiry concerning Human Understanding. Hume\u2019s letters should not be overlooked either; he was an engaging correspondent. Though some of his letters did not survive or have yet to be rediscovered, the published collections of Hume\u2019s correspondence contain significant discussions of political topics that will be of great interest to students of his political thought.<\/p>","DOI":"10.1093\/obo\/9780199756223-0135","type":"reference-entry","created":{"date-parts":[[2015,9,30]],"date-time":"2015-09-30T15:27:18Z","timestamp":1443626838000},"source":"Crossref","is-referenced-by-count":0,"title":["Hume\u2019s Political Thought"],"prefix":"10.1093","member":"286","published-online":{"date-parts":[[2015,9,29]]},"container-title":["Political Science"],"original-title":["Hume\u2019s Political Thought"],"language":"en","deposited":{"date-parts":[[2022,8,22]],"date-time":"2022-08-22T10:55:20Z","timestamp":1661165720000},"score":14.308058,"resource":{"primary":{"URL":"https:\/\/oxfordbibliographies.com\/view\/document\/obo-9780199756223\/obo-9780199756223-0135.xml"}},"issued":{"date-parts":[[2015,9,29]]},"ISBN":["9780199756223"],"references-count":0,"URL":"https:\/\/doi.org\/10.1093\/obo\/9780199756223-0135","published":{"date-parts":[[2015,9,29]]}},{"indexed":{"date-parts":[[2024,5,3]],"date-time":"2024-05-03T10:31:17Z","timestamp":1714732277216},"reference-count":0,"publisher":"Oxford University Press","isbn-type":[{"value":"9780199756223","type":"electronic"}],"content-domain":{"domain":[],"crossmark-restriction":false},"abstract":"
Although initially conceptualized as linked to a geographical region that includes much of India, Nepal, Bhutan, Pakistan, Bangladesh, and Sri Lanka, South Asian political thought as a rich and distinct field of study is relatively new. In the last two decades, earlier portrayals of Asian societies have been seen as missing essential aspects of their political life. So far this field has focused on the contributions of individuals, events, and circumstances of colonial history from the 17th century as social reform movements began to respond to the challenge posed by the colonial intrusion. However, new ways have arisen to study this region. moving away from the confines of traditional Eurocentric understanding of South Asia. These approaches also introduce mass actors as agents of social and political change. Subsequently, the history of South Asian political ideas has emerged as different from other systems of thought and gained a foothold in colleges and universities across the world. As a result, South Asian studies are now established as a vibrant and complex interdisciplinary field devoted to studying people\u2019s history, culture, and politics in these regions. Although there are dangers of using such a classification to understand a diverse area, core political thinkers of this region have emerged with time who share specific themes, arguments, and political practices. Although widely used, there is a consensus that the term \u2018South Asia\u2019 officially emerged in the wake of the territorial assumptions of area studies. It is also a result of institutional responses to the imperatives of the Cold War in the 1950s. In studies of the making of South Asian intellectual history, the circuitous networks of texts, letters, essays, party archives, official reports, vernacular print cultures, journals, and songs have been found to have enormous cross-influence between the \u2018colony\u2019 and \u2018metropole.\u2019 However, the number of publications on the notion of South Asia is reasonably limited. Thus there is a need to delve into a comprehensive range of sources scattered in many books, articles, and primary sources dealing with anthropology, sociology, philosophy, politics, biography, and literature.<\/p>","DOI":"10.1093\/obo\/9780199756223-0349","type":"reference-entry","created":{"date-parts":[[2022,7,25]],"date-time":"2022-07-25T14:37:49Z","timestamp":1658759869000},"source":"Crossref","is-referenced-by-count":0,"title":["South Asian Political Thought"],"prefix":"10.1093","member":"286","published-online":{"date-parts":[[2022,7,26]]},"container-title":["Political Science"],"original-title":["South Asian Political Thought"],"language":"en","deposited":{"date-parts":[[2022,7,25]],"date-time":"2022-07-25T14:37:49Z","timestamp":1658759869000},"score":14.166255,"resource":{"primary":{"URL":"https:\/\/oxfordbibliographies.com\/view\/document\/obo-9780199756223\/obo-9780199756223-0349.xml"}},"issued":{"date-parts":[[2022,7,26]]},"ISBN":["9780199756223"],"references-count":0,"URL":"https:\/\/doi.org\/10.1093\/obo\/9780199756223-0349","published":{"date-parts":[[2022,7,26]]}},{"indexed":{"date-parts":[[2026,2,16]],"date-time":"2026-02-16T08:26:11Z","timestamp":1771230371220,"version":"3.50.1"},"reference-count":0,"publisher":"Oxford University Press","isbn-type":[{"value":"9780199756223","type":"electronic"}],"content-domain":{"domain":[],"crossmark-restriction":false},"abstract":"
At its heart, intersectionality is a study of relative power. As such, political scientists have employed this approach as both a theory and method to examine political behavior and the state\u2019s interaction with social groups as citizens and noncitizens. Intersectionality is a framework that recognizes the interconnectedness of sociopolitical categories that overlap with systems of discrimination or disadvantage. The study of intersectionality is interdisciplinary and does not have one academic home. As such, we compiled a list of texts that have used this concept, methodological framework, or theoretical approach to answer questions using a political science lens with the goal of providing a broad summary of contemporary research in this field. Furthermore, we made an effort to represent research that highlights the variation among social groups, regions, and issues as a way to illustrate the diversity within intersectional research projects. In political science, intersectionality has been used as a normative theoretical argument and a methodological approach to empirical research. Rooted in Black feminist theory and praxis, intersectionality has been employed as an analytical tool to bring to light issues of marginalization and systematic oppression that were previously invisible by using a single axis approach. Much of political science research seeks to understand the experiences of those with one or more marginalized identities as political actors. The research in this field is diverse in the populations and questions examined as well as the methods employed. Contemporary research on intersectionality includes comparative and international research on nations around the world. It explores the role of institutions, culture, and context as well as individual political identities, attitudes, and behavior. This scholarship also examines the differences of experiences within populations\u2014such as women and racial, ethnic, or religious minorities often grouped for analysis in other fields. In applying an intersectional analysis to political experiences of these populations, this research often highlights the ways in which different identities are associated with distinct attitudes, behavior, and political outcomes. As a result, intersectionality research in political science offers deeper insights into political phenomena that were previously examined with a single axis approach. For example, studies of women\u2019s political involvement that did not account for difference among groups of women failed to account for how ethno-racial, sexual orientation, nativity, disability, or religion may have influenced women\u2019s political experiences and political outcomes. Among the debates engaged by this literature are questions revolving around the political experiences associated with multiple marginalized identities. Specifically, do groups, candidates, or public officials who possess multiple marginalized identities experience a so-called double disadvantage? Some research indicates this is the case, while others find strategic advantage associated with intersectional identities.<\/p>","DOI":"10.1093\/obo\/9780199756223-0327","type":"reference-entry","created":{"date-parts":[[2021,1,13]],"date-time":"2021-01-13T00:37:27Z","timestamp":1610498247000},"source":"Crossref","is-referenced-by-count":3,"title":["Intersectionality in Political Science"],"prefix":"10.1093","author":[{"given":"Nadia E.","family":"Brown","sequence":"first","affiliation":[]},{"given":"Guillermo","family":"Caballero","sequence":"additional","affiliation":[]},{"given":"Sarah","family":"Gershon","sequence":"additional","affiliation":[]}],"member":"286","published-online":{"date-parts":[[2021,1,12]]},"container-title":["Political Science"],"original-title":["Intersectionality in Political Science"],"language":"en","deposited":{"date-parts":[[2021,9,23]],"date-time":"2021-09-23T19:39:44Z","timestamp":1632425984000},"score":14.15801,"resource":{"primary":{"URL":"https:\/\/oxfordbibliographies.com\/view\/document\/obo-9780199756223\/obo-9780199756223-0327.xml"}},"issued":{"date-parts":[[2021,1,12]]},"ISBN":["9780199756223"],"references-count":0,"URL":"https:\/\/doi.org\/10.1093\/obo\/9780199756223-0327","published":{"date-parts":[[2021,1,12]]}},{"indexed":{"date-parts":[[2024,5,3]],"date-time":"2024-05-03T10:26:08Z","timestamp":1714731968996},"reference-count":0,"publisher":"Oxford University Press","isbn-type":[{"value":"9780199756223","type":"electronic"}],"content-domain":{"domain":[],"crossmark-restriction":false},"abstract":"
Cosmopolitan political thought is an emerging subfield of political theory. It is motivated by a turn beyond studying the texts and ideas of the traditional Western canon and also by reflections on what kinds of approaches should characterize such study. It emerges from, yet distinguishes itself from, two other subfields: cosmopolitanism and comparative political theory. It acknowledges that theorizing beyond Western resources is crucial, but it suggests that the more important question is a methodological one. That is, it is not simply about the content of which ideas and texts are studied, but also about how they are studied and what assumptions are revealed by a given way of approaching non-Western resources. Cosmopolitanism traces the emergence of its ideas to the ancient Greek and Roman traditions of Stoicism, calling for recognizing the community of rational beings worldwide as the source of the most fundamental moral and social obligations. Contemporary cosmopolitanisms apply this idea to a diversity of themes and debates, ranging from questions of nationalism and global distributive justice to international law, human rights, global democracy, climate change, and just war theory. Comparative political theory, meanwhile, is a subfield of political theory that emerged to focus on the study of political thought from civilizations outside the West. These studies include, among others, histories of political thought within certain non-Western traditions (such as the Indic, Islamic, Chinese, African, or Latin American ones), the history of particular concepts within civilizations, conceptual comparison across civilizations, and the treatment of interpretive or commentarial debates pertaining to certain concepts or problems within certain traditions. Cosmopolitanism raises the question of broadening the scope of political questions to the global, but it privileges the West and suggests that its intellectual heritage contains resources for such theorizing. Comparative political theory addresses non-Western texts and ideas, but it remains silent on which approaches would constitute a more cosmopolitan evolution in political theory\u2019s self-understanding. Cosmopolitan political thought moves beyond both these discourses, engaging in methodological reflection about how the tasks and purposes of political theorizing might be reconceived so that the very practices of theorizing might become more cosmopolitan. Among other things, it argues that any study of non-Western thought must proceed from within, from a perspective internal to the tradition and its central texts, preoccupations, ideas, and concerns. Thus, it emphasizes detailed study of, and immersion within, any important civilizational intellectual tradition as the prerequisite for any subsequent engagement with such ideas. The study of works within particular civilizations serves to further a more cosmopolitan mode of political theorizing rather than simply serving as an artifact of regionally specific interest.<\/p>","DOI":"10.1093\/obo\/9780199756223-0089","type":"reference-entry","created":{"date-parts":[[2013,6,12]],"date-time":"2013-06-12T16:25:03Z","timestamp":1371054303000},"source":"Crossref","is-referenced-by-count":1,"title":["Cosmopolitan Political Thought"],"prefix":"10.1093","author":[{"given":"Farah","family":"Godrej","sequence":"first","affiliation":[]}],"member":"286","published-online":{"date-parts":[[2013,4,22]]},"container-title":["Political Science"],"original-title":["Cosmopolitan Political Thought"],"language":"en","deposited":{"date-parts":[[2021,9,23]],"date-time":"2021-09-23T19:31:47Z","timestamp":1632425507000},"score":14.105553,"resource":{"primary":{"URL":"https:\/\/oxfordbibliographies.com\/view\/document\/obo-9780199756223\/obo-9780199756223-0089.xml"}},"issued":{"date-parts":[[2013,4,22]]},"ISBN":["9780199756223"],"references-count":0,"URL":"https:\/\/doi.org\/10.1093\/obo\/9780199756223-0089","published":{"date-parts":[[2013,4,22]]}},{"indexed":{"date-parts":[[2025,4,16]],"date-time":"2025-04-16T13:10:02Z","timestamp":1744809002467,"version":"3.40.4"},"reference-count":0,"publisher":"Oxford University Press","isbn-type":[{"type":"electronic","value":"9780199756223"}],"content-domain":{"domain":[],"crossmark-restriction":false},"abstract":"
The great German philosopher G.\u00a0W.\u00a0F. Hegel (b.\u00a01770\u2013d.\u00a01831) is one of the most important and influential political thinkers of the modern age, alongside Thomas Hobbes, John Locke, Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Immanuel Kant, and Karl Marx. His political thought decisively influenced Marx\u2019s views and 19th-century socialism, inspired the British idealists and the development of the welfare state, and informed Frankfurt School critical theory, especially Herbert Marcuse, J\u00fcrgen Habermas, and Axel Honneth. Hegel was once considered a \u201cclosed society\u201d statist, Prussian apologist, or even a protototalitarian, but modern scholarship has refuted these views. His signal contribution to political theory is now recognized to be his grand synthesis of three main traditions in modern political thought: the liberalism of Locke and Adam Smith, with its commitment to individual rights, the rule of law, and commercial society; the republicanism of Rousseau, with its emphasis on civic duty, the general will, and political freedom; and the historical contextualism of Montesquieu and Edmund Burke, with its recognition of the social and historical character of human nature and thought. Hegel\u2019s unique combination of individual and community has more recently influenced the liberal-communitarian debate in contemporary political theory, especially in the work of Charles Taylor and John Rawls.<\/p>","DOI":"10.1093\/obo\/9780199756223-0163","type":"reference-entry","created":{"date-parts":[[2015,3,23]],"date-time":"2015-03-23T12:56:14Z","timestamp":1427115374000},"source":"Crossref","is-referenced-by-count":0,"title":["Hegel's Political Thought"],"prefix":"10.1093","author":[{"given":"Jeffrey","family":"Church","sequence":"first","affiliation":[]}],"member":"286","published-online":{"date-parts":[[2015,3,10]]},"container-title":["Political Science"],"original-title":["Hegel's Political Thought"],"language":"en","deposited":{"date-parts":[[2025,4,16]],"date-time":"2025-04-16T12:57:24Z","timestamp":1744808244000},"score":14.10532,"resource":{"primary":{"URL":"https:\/\/oxfordbibliographies.com\/display\/document\/obo-9780199756223\/obo-9780199756223-0163.xml"}},"issued":{"date-parts":[[2015,3,10]]},"ISBN":["9780199756223"],"references-count":0,"URL":"https:\/\/doi.org\/10.1093\/obo\/9780199756223-0163","published":{"date-parts":[[2015,3,10]]}},{"indexed":{"date-parts":[[2024,5,3]],"date-time":"2024-05-03T10:30:49Z","timestamp":1714732249675},"reference-count":0,"publisher":"Oxford University Press","isbn-type":[{"value":"9780199756223","type":"electronic"}],"content-domain":{"domain":[],"crossmark-restriction":false},"abstract":"
Feminist studies have rejected the assumption according to which gender violence is an individual or private issue that has to be primarily approached from a psychological perspective. They have underscored the link between gender violence and other factors of social inequalities. Feminists contend that men use violence as a means to exercise power over women. They have defended the idea according to which violence against women is a form of political violence. Marxist\/materialist feminisms have argued that the dichotomy between the private and the public spheres structures power relations between women and men. They have shown that the private\/public distinction depoliticizes the private sphere. Simultaneously, they have demonstrated that the private sphere\u2014as much as the public domain\u2014is a political construction which serves to reinforce women\u2019s subordination and their social, political and economic exploitation. Women\u2019s relegation to domestic tasks and their responsibility for care work reinforce the norm of political participation and economic resources as a male privilege. The concept of political violence locates politics in the public domain, and links violence with armed conflicts, social movements, and wars. By contrast, feminist studies situate the production of political violence within domains of life which were previously dismissed as irrelevant for politics: the home, the neighborhood, the intimate space, interpersonal relations and everyday life. Feminist theories make visible the political nature of violence against women. They consider that violence against women takes various forms, occurs in all social spaces, and is closely intertwined with gender hierarchies. Violence against women is an instrument for maintaining women\u2019s oppression and men\u2019s privileges in societies. The political economy of patriarchy and gendered inequalities makes women more vulnerable and fuels violence against women. Furthermore, women of color and queer feminists have highlighted the importance of other categories of identity such as race, class, and sexuality in the way gender violence is deployed. A focus on gender, instead of women, enables to bring nuances to monolithic representations of masculinity and femininity by demonstrating how the masculine and the feminine constitute socially constructed sets of attributes, behaviors, and roles that are constantly negotiated and changing over time and history. An intersectional approach to gender is therefore necessary to understand how violence differently targets and affects women of color and queer people.<\/p>","DOI":"10.1093\/obo\/9780199756223-0339","type":"reference-entry","created":{"date-parts":[[2021,9,30]],"date-time":"2021-09-30T11:50:50Z","timestamp":1633002650000},"source":"Crossref","is-referenced-by-count":0,"title":["Gender and Political Violence"],"prefix":"10.1093","member":"286","published-online":{"date-parts":[[2021,9,22]]},"container-title":["Political Science"],"original-title":["Gender and Political Violence"],"language":"en","deposited":{"date-parts":[[2021,9,30]],"date-time":"2021-09-30T11:50:50Z","timestamp":1633002650000},"score":14.10509,"resource":{"primary":{"URL":"https:\/\/oxfordbibliographies.com\/view\/document\/obo-9780199756223\/obo-9780199756223-0339.xml"}},"issued":{"date-parts":[[2021,9,22]]},"ISBN":["9780199756223"],"references-count":0,"URL":"https:\/\/doi.org\/10.1093\/obo\/9780199756223-0339","published":{"date-parts":[[2021,9,22]]}},{"indexed":{"date-parts":[[2024,5,3]],"date-time":"2024-05-03T10:30:33Z","timestamp":1714732233174},"reference-count":0,"publisher":"Oxford University Press","isbn-type":[{"value":"9780199756223","type":"electronic"}],"content-domain":{"domain":[],"crossmark-restriction":false},"abstract":"
Postcolonial political theory is an emerging subfield of political theory, although its parameters and particular meanings are less than clearly defined and subject to contestation. Related to a more general critique of political theory\u2019s traditional Eurocentric bias, postcolonial political theory is motivated by three key issues: first, how colonialism shaped the traditional Western canon; second, the broad silence on colonialism and its legacies in mainstream political theorizing; and third, the tensions, particularly within liberal political theory, between its universal pretentions and culturally specific Western location of articulation. The scope of inquiry in postcolonial political theory is broadly responsive to postcolonialism, a body of thought concerned with tracing, engaging, and responding to the cultural, political, social, and economic legacies of Western colonialism, particularly the period of European colonial rule between the 18th and mid-20th centuries. With a particular emphasis on the relationship between power and knowledge, postcolonial theories and approaches take the development of modernity as coterminous with European colonial and imperial projects, and therefore examine the ways in which modern systems of knowledge are implicated in colonial relations of power. Postcolonial political theory similarly treats political modernity as imprinted by Western colonialism and imperialism, making for distinct political dynamics, problems, and forms of injustice, on the one hand, and shaping the history of European political thought, on the other. In this regard, postcolonial political theory does not just call for a widening of the remit of political theory beyond the traditional European canon to include non-Western texts, voices, and perspectives. It also raises profound questions about the ways in which the categories, ideas, and assumptions of political theory have been complicit in and served to legitimize the domination of colonized peoples and indigenous, non-Western, and subaltern minorities. Postcolonial political theory seeks to articulate alternative modes of theorizing that can better speak to the concerns of justice for the formerly colonized, indigenous peoples, and those affected by the neo-imperial features of the current global order. An important element of this is concerned with methodology, in particular the use of multidisciplinary insights from history, cultural studies, and anthropology, among others, as well as thinkers and texts that would not conventionally be considered \u201cpolitical\u201d according to dominant Western conceptions of politics.<\/p>","DOI":"10.1093\/obo\/9780199756223-0334","type":"reference-entry","created":{"date-parts":[[2021,4,18]],"date-time":"2021-04-18T14:42:33Z","timestamp":1618756953000},"source":"Crossref","is-referenced-by-count":0,"title":["Postcolonial Political Theory"],"prefix":"10.1093","author":[{"given":"Rachel","family":"Busbridge","sequence":"first","affiliation":[]}],"member":"286","published-online":{"date-parts":[[2021,4,21]]},"container-title":["Political Science"],"original-title":["Postcolonial Political Theory"],"language":"en","deposited":{"date-parts":[[2021,9,23]],"date-time":"2021-09-23T19:41:50Z","timestamp":1632426110000},"score":14.076293,"resource":{"primary":{"URL":"https:\/\/oxfordbibliographies.com\/view\/document\/obo-9780199756223\/obo-9780199756223-0334.xml"}},"issued":{"date-parts":[[2021,4,21]]},"ISBN":["9780199756223"],"references-count":0,"URL":"https:\/\/doi.org\/10.1093\/obo\/9780199756223-0334","published":{"date-parts":[[2021,4,21]]}},{"indexed":{"date-parts":[[2024,5,3]],"date-time":"2024-05-03T10:31:01Z","timestamp":1714732261864},"reference-count":0,"publisher":"Oxford University Press","isbn-type":[{"value":"9780199756223","type":"electronic"}],"content-domain":{"domain":[],"crossmark-restriction":false},"abstract":"
\u201cAncient Chinese political thought\u201d refers to the reflections and discussions about politics during the period before the First Emperor established the Qin dynasty in 221 bce. Although one could also infer some political thought of that period from the other archeological evidence, the main sources of such reflections and discussions are texts believed to date back to that period, some of which became the foundation of Chinese education that began in the Han dynasty (210 bce\u2013220 ce) and lasted till the beginning of the 20th century. Although disrupted by the turbulent history of China\u2019s encounter with modernity in the early 20th century, the study of ancient Chinese texts has become the center of what is known as \u201cnational studies (guoxue\u56fd\u5b66)\u201d in the People\u2019s Republic of China (PRC) today, with institutes devoted to it in many Chinese universities, supporting researchers from various disciplines. In the revival of Confucianism coupled with the rise of cultural nationalism in mainland China, many Chinese scholars have turned to ancient Chinese political thought for inspiration in their search for distinctively Chinese perspectives on politics, both local and global, and they advocate Chinese alternatives or models to address contemporary challenges. With limited space, the publications selected for this article make up only a small fraction of the works in English and even fewer in Mandarin that discuss ancient Chinese political thought. (The focus on English works is due to the consideration that not all readers of this article would be able to read Mandarin.) In addition to being studied as part of early Chinese civilization that has influenced Chinese society through subsequent centuries, political theorists and philosophers engage ancient Chinese political thought to address perennial or contemporary political problems, contributing significantly to the growth of comparative political theory and comparative political philosophy.<\/p>","DOI":"10.1093\/obo\/9780199756223-0346","type":"reference-entry","created":{"date-parts":[[2021,11,23]],"date-time":"2021-11-23T06:20:45Z","timestamp":1637648445000},"source":"Crossref","is-referenced-by-count":0,"title":["Ancient Chinese Political Thought"],"prefix":"10.1093","member":"286","published-online":{"date-parts":[[2021,11,23]]},"container-title":["Political Science"],"original-title":["Ancient Chinese Political Thought"],"language":"en","deposited":{"date-parts":[[2021,11,23]],"date-time":"2021-11-23T06:20:46Z","timestamp":1637648446000},"score":14.064455,"resource":{"primary":{"URL":"https:\/\/oxfordbibliographies.com\/view\/document\/obo-9780199756223\/obo-9780199756223-0346.xml"}},"issued":{"date-parts":[[2021,11,23]]},"ISBN":["9780199756223"],"references-count":0,"URL":"https:\/\/doi.org\/10.1093\/obo\/9780199756223-0346","published":{"date-parts":[[2021,11,23]]}},{"indexed":{"date-parts":[[2024,5,3]],"date-time":"2024-05-03T10:26:20Z","timestamp":1714731980085},"reference-count":0,"publisher":"Oxford University Press","isbn-type":[{"value":"9780199756223","type":"electronic"}],"content-domain":{"domain":[],"crossmark-restriction":false},"abstract":"
This article is divided into three main parts: the Historical Setting, the Constitutional System, and Contemporary Politics. The first part analyzes the Ottoman-Turkish political developments from the start of the reform period to the transition to a competitive party system (1789\u20131946). Indeed, Turkey offers an interesting combination of elements of change and continuity. On the one hand, the change from the multinational and multireligious Ottoman monarchy to a Westernizing, republican nation-state represents a sharp break with the past. On the other hand, below this surface of radical change one can observe strong elements of continuity, such as an authoritarian and statist political culture that prioritizes the \u201csublime interests of the state\u201d (raison d\u2019\u00e9tat) over individual rights and liberties. It is also true that the main center-periphery cleavage in contemporary Turkish politics had its roots in the Ottoman past. The center-periphery cleavage in the Turkish context denotes the cleavage between the central military and bureaucratic state elites, on the one hand, and all social segments that remain outside this center, on the other. The second part focuses on the present constitutional system, with references to earlier constitutional developments. It will be observed that none of the Ottoman and the republican constitutions, with the partial exception of that of 1921, were made by a freely elected and broadly representative constituent or legislative assembly through a process of genuine deliberations and compromises. Consequently, they all lacked sufficient democratic legitimacy. The third part analyzes various aspects of contemporary Turkish politics, from the democratic transition in the mid-1940s up to the present time. One of the most striking facts about contemporary Turkish politics is that, despite nearly seventy years of multi-party competitive politics, Turkey has not yet been able to fully consolidate its democratic system and, since 2013, it has been experiencing a drift toward authoritarianism. This part also deals with such challenges as the rise of political Islam and of Kurdish nationalism.<\/p>","DOI":"10.1093\/obo\/9780199756223-0058","type":"reference-entry","created":{"date-parts":[[2013,6,12]],"date-time":"2013-06-12T17:06:49Z","timestamp":1371056809000},"source":"Crossref","is-referenced-by-count":0,"title":["Political Development of Turkey"],"prefix":"10.1093","author":[{"given":"Ergun","family":"\u00d6zbudun","sequence":"first","affiliation":[]}],"member":"286","published-online":{"date-parts":[[2013,10,29]]},"container-title":["Political Science"],"original-title":["Political Development of Turkey"],"language":"en","deposited":{"date-parts":[[2021,9,23]],"date-time":"2021-09-23T19:26:35Z","timestamp":1632425195000},"score":13.968016,"resource":{"primary":{"URL":"https:\/\/oxfordbibliographies.com\/view\/document\/obo-9780199756223\/obo-9780199756223-0058.xml"}},"issued":{"date-parts":[[2013,10,29]]},"ISBN":["9780199756223"],"references-count":0,"URL":"https:\/\/doi.org\/10.1093\/obo\/9780199756223-0058","published":{"date-parts":[[2013,10,29]]}},{"indexed":{"date-parts":[[2024,5,3]],"date-time":"2024-05-03T10:25:52Z","timestamp":1714731952444},"reference-count":0,"publisher":"Oxford University Press","isbn-type":[{"value":"9780199756223","type":"electronic"}],"content-domain":{"domain":[],"crossmark-restriction":false},"abstract":"
Iran\u2019s political development has undergone momentous changes over the past century: the advent of constitutionalism in 1906\u20131911; the period of absolutist rule and stealth modernization under two Pahlavi monarchs; the brief period of parliamentary democracy under the premiership of Mohammad Mossadeq; the Islamic revolution in 1979 with its attendant conservative, pragmatic, reformist, neoconservative, and neopragmatist incarnations. During each of these periods, Iranian society and politics underwent significant transformations that were often imposed from above. These changes were also compounded by the fact that Iran has historically occupied an important geopolitical position in international politics, a pawn in, and an irritant to, the great powers at the heart of the oil-rich Middle East. The diverse sources compiled in this article explore different dimensions of Iran\u2019s political development over the past century. All of the sources are in English and most are works by highly respected scholars of Iran both inside and outside of the country.<\/p>","DOI":"10.1093\/obo\/9780199756223-0035","type":"reference-entry","created":{"date-parts":[[2012,2,14]],"date-time":"2012-02-14T18:20:40Z","timestamp":1329243640000},"source":"Crossref","is-referenced-by-count":0,"title":["Political Development of Iran"],"prefix":"10.1093","author":[{"given":"Huss","family":"Banai","sequence":"first","affiliation":[]}],"member":"286","published-online":{"date-parts":[[2011,11,29]]},"container-title":["Political Science"],"original-title":["Political Development of Iran"],"language":"en","deposited":{"date-parts":[[2021,9,23]],"date-time":"2021-09-23T19:20:26Z","timestamp":1632424826000},"score":13.958256,"resource":{"primary":{"URL":"https:\/\/oxfordbibliographies.com\/view\/document\/obo-9780199756223\/obo-9780199756223-0035.xml"}},"issued":{"date-parts":[[2011,11,29]]},"ISBN":["9780199756223"],"references-count":0,"URL":"https:\/\/doi.org\/10.1093\/obo\/9780199756223-0035","published":{"date-parts":[[2011,11,29]]}},{"indexed":{"date-parts":[[2024,5,3]],"date-time":"2024-05-03T10:31:23Z","timestamp":1714732283365},"reference-count":0,"publisher":"Oxford University Press","isbn-type":[{"value":"9780199756223","type":"electronic"}],"content-domain":{"domain":[],"crossmark-restriction":false},"abstract":"
The historical evidence suggests that political humor (PH) is endemic to the human experience, and many assume that various political humorists or works of PH have been responsible for producing social or political change. Implicit in this assumption is the idea that exposure to PH can affect how individuals understand the political world. Interestingly, it\u2019s not until fairly recently that this notion has been explored in any systematic way. This review focuses on this PH effects research. After briefly exploring different aspects of the genre, the essay discusses research on the effects PH has on individuals\u2019 cognition, attitudes and political engagement, including political participation.<\/p>","DOI":"10.1093\/obo\/9780199756223-0350","type":"reference-entry","created":{"date-parts":[[2022,8,22]],"date-time":"2022-08-22T10:55:31Z","timestamp":1661165731000},"source":"Crossref","is-referenced-by-count":0,"title":["Political Humor and Its Effects"],"prefix":"10.1093","member":"286","published-online":{"date-parts":[[2022,8,23]]},"container-title":["Political Science"],"original-title":["Political Humor and Its Effects"],"language":"en","deposited":{"date-parts":[[2022,8,22]],"date-time":"2022-08-22T10:55:31Z","timestamp":1661165731000},"score":13.945586,"resource":{"primary":{"URL":"https:\/\/oxfordbibliographies.com\/view\/document\/obo-9780199756223\/obo-9780199756223-0350.xml"}},"issued":{"date-parts":[[2022,8,23]]},"ISBN":["9780199756223"],"references-count":0,"URL":"https:\/\/doi.org\/10.1093\/obo\/9780199756223-0350","published":{"date-parts":[[2022,8,23]]}},{"indexed":{"date-parts":[[2024,5,3]],"date-time":"2024-05-03T10:27:17Z","timestamp":1714732037869},"reference-count":0,"publisher":"Oxford University Press","isbn-type":[{"value":"9780199756223","type":"electronic"}],"content-domain":{"domain":[],"crossmark-restriction":false},"abstract":"
Independent India is seventy years old (1947\u20132017) and may be the fastest-growing economy in the world. Yet, poverty, inequalities, and digital divides continue to bedevil the Indian economy. This combined paradox of economic success and deprivation for many makes the study of Indian political economy complex, interesting, and consequential. Academic assessment of India affects the lives and livelihood of millions of people. India and South Asia are engaged in a consequential \u201chuman drama,\u201d an evocative phrase used by Gunnar Myrdal (see Myrdal 1968, cited under Political Economy of the Nehruvian State). What could be more important to study? Every economic and social analysis of India needs to be based in an understanding of the background of politics and economics, especially their intersections. If we talk of economic growth, we need to simultaneously bring in our understanding of the basis of that growth or the issues of distributional impact. Almost all economic challenges faced by a developing and poor yet growing economy bring political and economic questions and facts to the fore. Political economy is at the heart of India and its ongoing developmental trajectory. Political economy analysis of India, therefore, spans a fascinating set of debates and scholarly issues. More recently, as the Indian economy has become more complex, new approaches, questions, and literature have emerged, making the study of India\u2019s political economy a large, productive, and sprawling field. This collection of relevant citations starts with general books, which are large topic-based compendiums and edited volumes covering a large range of material and themes. They are good starting points for any researcher, as they bring together a number of authors and approaches under one book cover. India\u2019s developmental trajectory can be broken into two broad phases. The first of these is the Nehruvian period, which, it could be argued, lasted until 1991. Then, in 1991, sustainable economic reforms set India onto a new growth path. The logic of the origins of reforms must be distinguished from the logic of the sustainability of reforms. Thus, the reform period 1985\u2013current can be broken into two separate phases. This article is organized according to the following structure. The first section focuses on General Overviews of India\u2019s politics and political economy. The next section focuses on the Political Economy of the Nehruvian State, which underlies the Nehruvian model of development. Some thematic subsections are also interspersed: Agrarian Political Economy and Regional Political Economy and Federalism apart from class and societal analysis of the liberalization period. Then, the rest of the bibliographic paper is organized by the different phases of the Political Economy of Economic Reforms in India, including Recent Monographs on Political Economy, the Reforms of the 1980s, and the Reforms of the 1990s, followed by more thematic subsections. A separate subsection is devoted to policy and institutional studies and Class Analysis, Labor, and Politics of Reforms.<\/p>","DOI":"10.1093\/obo\/9780199756223-0230","type":"reference-entry","created":{"date-parts":[[2017,8,23]],"date-time":"2017-08-23T09:06:27Z","timestamp":1503479187000},"source":"Crossref","is-referenced-by-count":1,"title":["Political Economy of India"],"prefix":"10.1093","author":[{"given":"Aseema","family":"Sinha","sequence":"first","affiliation":[]}],"member":"286","published-online":{"date-parts":[[2017,8,23]]},"container-title":["Political Science"],"original-title":["Political Economy of India"],"language":"en","deposited":{"date-parts":[[2021,9,23]],"date-time":"2021-09-23T19:30:26Z","timestamp":1632425426000},"score":13.888043,"resource":{"primary":{"URL":"https:\/\/oxfordbibliographies.com\/view\/document\/obo-9780199756223\/obo-9780199756223-0230.xml"}},"issued":{"date-parts":[[2017,8,23]]},"ISBN":["9780199756223"],"references-count":0,"URL":"https:\/\/doi.org\/10.1093\/obo\/9780199756223-0230","published":{"date-parts":[[2017,8,23]]}},{"indexed":{"date-parts":[[2024,5,3]],"date-time":"2024-05-03T10:27:14Z","timestamp":1714732034145},"reference-count":0,"publisher":"Oxford University Press","isbn-type":[{"value":"9780199756223","type":"electronic"}],"content-domain":{"domain":[],"crossmark-restriction":false},"abstract":"
Feminist political thought is a capacious term that for these purposes includes works pertaining not only to the fields of \u201cpolitical theory\u201d (in political science) and \u201cpolitical philosophy\u201d (in philosophy) but also to writings generally designated under the rubric of \u201cfeminist theory\u201d or \u201cfeminist studies\u201d that address politics and political systems, structures, and relations by problematizing gender, sex, sexual difference, and sexuality. If it is not remotely possible to argue that all political thought is \u201cfeminist,\u201d it is surely the case that almost all feminist thought is in some palpable sense \u201cpolitical,\u201d insofar as it emerges in academia from out of historical and contemporary movements for women\u2019s liberation and through critiques of gender inequality and patriarchal relations of power and domination. Yet at the same time the term \u201cfeminist\u201d is impossible to define with any specificity, given the differences and divisions that constitute it as a multifaceted academic field propelled by epistemological and political contestations over agency, subjectivity, identity, and power that trouble the very coherence of the terms \u201cwoman\u201d and \u201cwomen\u201d themselves. Consequently, this bibliography takes a heterogeneous outlook on its subject matter rather than one that solely focuses \u201cfeminist\u201d within the field of political theory, much less in terms of a particular methodology. Three additional notes: First, readers expecting the perhaps familiar designation of various ideological \u201cisms\u201d sometimes associated with the categorization of feminist political thought (e.g., \u201cliberal\u201d; \u201cradical\u201d; \u201csocialist\u201d; \u201canarchist\u201d; \u201clesbian\u201d; \u201ceco\u201d; \u201cpostmodern\u201d; \u201cposthuman\u201d) will more often find instead categories that specify problems and instigate debates that often cross ideological rubrics and positions. Second, the organization of categories does not follow the standard designation of \u201cfirst, second, and third waves,\u201d opting instead for as many disruptions and displacements of those textbook conventions as possible. Finally, it is important to acknowledge that feminist political thought is enmeshed with other contemporary disciplinary knowledges and fields of inquiry (e.g., queer theory; new materialisms; masculinities; posthumanist orientations; critical race studies; queer of color critique; global ecologies; neoliberalism; postcolonial and transnational studies) in ways that require some attention to these intersections as well.<\/p>","DOI":"10.1093\/obo\/9780199756223-0234","type":"reference-entry","created":{"date-parts":[[2017,10,25]],"date-time":"2017-10-25T09:55:39Z","timestamp":1508925339000},"source":"Crossref","is-referenced-by-count":0,"title":["Feminist Political Thought"],"prefix":"10.1093","author":[{"given":"Mary G.","family":"Dietz","sequence":"first","affiliation":[]},{"given":"Lucy","family":"Cane","sequence":"additional","affiliation":[]}],"member":"286","published-online":{"date-parts":[[2017,10,25]]},"container-title":["Political Science"],"original-title":["Feminist Political Thought"],"language":"en","deposited":{"date-parts":[[2021,9,23]],"date-time":"2021-09-23T19:31:08Z","timestamp":1632425468000},"score":13.866559,"resource":{"primary":{"URL":"https:\/\/oxfordbibliographies.com\/view\/document\/obo-9780199756223\/obo-9780199756223-0234.xml"}},"issued":{"date-parts":[[2017,10,25]]},"ISBN":["9780199756223"],"references-count":0,"URL":"https:\/\/doi.org\/10.1093\/obo\/9780199756223-0234","published":{"date-parts":[[2017,10,25]]}},{"indexed":{"date-parts":[[2024,5,3]],"date-time":"2024-05-03T10:28:30Z","timestamp":1714732110468},"reference-count":0,"publisher":"Oxford University Press","isbn-type":[{"value":"9780199756223","type":"electronic"}],"content-domain":{"domain":[],"crossmark-restriction":false},"abstract":"
Group-based assessments are a core ingredient of many political judgments. Characteristics such as a candidate\u2019s political party, race, ethnicity, or gender influence voter evaluations. Opinions toward a wide range of public policies are shaped by beliefs about and affect toward policy beneficiaries. Of the many group-related attitudes that play a role in political reasoning, stereotypes are among the most important. Stereotypes are beliefs we hold about the characteristics, tendencies, and competencies of social groups. Research in psychology has demonstrated the functional role stereotypes play in helping us navigate through a complex social world, but also that stereotypes can operate automatically, are resistant to updating, and can lead to prejudice and discrimination. Academics across disciplines have grappled with how to best measure stereotypes, notably whether to use explicit or implicit measurement strategies. Despite valid concerns that explicit items might not be answered honestly, due to societal pressures, these measures continue to be common in the political science literature. As for which groups\u2019 stereotypes have been studied, political stereotyping based on gender and race\/ethnicity has received much more attention than have other characteristics, such as sexuality, religion, or class. The research has documented a decline in stereotyping in some domains, such as gender stereotyping of candidates, yet a persistence of stereotyping in others, such as the influence of racial and ethnic stereotypes on policy opinions. Scholars have also uncovered the nuanced role that stereotypic thinking can play in political judgment. Factors that influence whether stereotypes are influential include whether an actor displays stereotypic-consistent versus inconsistent behavior, the ideology of the perceiver or the target, and whether stereotypes of an ingroup or outgroups are relevant. A notable emerging line of inquiry focuses on intersectional stereotyping, or stereotyping based on multiple identities simultaneously. Significant progress has been made toward our understanding of stereotyping at the gender-race intersection, especially regarding women of color, as well as the intersecting nature of gender and party stereotypes.<\/p>","DOI":"10.1093\/obo\/9780199756223-0258","type":"reference-entry","created":{"date-parts":[[2019,5,30]],"date-time":"2019-05-30T09:46:39Z","timestamp":1559209599000},"source":"Crossref","is-referenced-by-count":0,"title":["Stereotypes in Political Reasoning"],"prefix":"10.1093","author":[{"given":"Zoe M.","family":"Oxley","sequence":"first","affiliation":[]}],"member":"286","published-online":{"date-parts":[[2019,5,29]]},"container-title":["Political Science"],"original-title":["Stereotypes in Political Reasoning"],"language":"en","deposited":{"date-parts":[[2021,9,23]],"date-time":"2021-09-23T19:21:41Z","timestamp":1632424901000},"score":13.826607,"resource":{"primary":{"URL":"https:\/\/oxfordbibliographies.com\/view\/document\/obo-9780199756223\/obo-9780199756223-0258.xml"}},"issued":{"date-parts":[[2019,5,29]]},"ISBN":["9780199756223"],"references-count":0,"URL":"https:\/\/doi.org\/10.1093\/obo\/9780199756223-0258","published":{"date-parts":[[2019,5,29]]}},{"indexed":{"date-parts":[[2024,5,3]],"date-time":"2024-05-03T10:26:55Z","timestamp":1714732015634},"reference-count":0,"publisher":"Oxford University Press","isbn-type":[{"value":"9780199756223","type":"electronic"}],"content-domain":{"domain":[],"crossmark-restriction":false},"abstract":"
Plato\u2019s political philosophy is the first great theoretical examination of political life and is arguably the core of Plato\u2019s philosophy generally: his most comprehensive and well-known work, the Republic, centers on the basic political question of justice. Among the political issues that Plato explores are the questions of the best and best practicable forms of government (in the Republic and Laws), the scope of political knowledge or political \u201cscience\u201d (in the Statesman), and the proper way to evaluate forms of government such as democracy and oligarchy. Plato\u2019s understanding of politics, moreover, goes beyond his presentation in these three dialogues. The Gorgias discusses justice, the Apology presents Socrates\u2019 trial and conviction, and the Crito concerns obedience to the laws. The scope of what Plato discusses under the rubric of politics, moreover, is broader than what we typically include in political studies in the early 21st century. It includes questions such as the relation between political life and philosophical inquiry itself, the meaning of virtues of character and their connection to politics, and the elements and powers of the human soul. The student of Plato\u2019s political philosophy must therefore also study many dialogues that examine specific virtues of character such as courage and moderation that are central in the three political dialogues. The basic issue in understanding Plato is clarifying what he meant in any particular dialogue. This is a difficult matter both because of the depth and subtlety of his understanding and because of the complexity of the dialogue form in which he wrote. For, it is not obvious how to proceed from statements made by particular characters to Plato\u2019s own intention and understanding. Related interpretive issues concern the relationships among Plato\u2019s thirty-five dialogues, and whether the interpreter\u2019s emphasis should be on Plato\u2019s intention, or, rather, on his biographical and historical milieu, or his relevance for contemporary controversies. Some scholars take a developmental approach, such as in Klosko 2006 (cited under Books on Plato\u2019s Political Philosophy), which attributes inconsistencies or anomalies in the thought of Plato to his progress, experiences, or both. Some scholars take a unitary approach, such as in Lewis 1998 (cited under Journal Articles on Plato\u2019s Republic, Statesman, or Laws), which finds a consistency in the thought of Plato. Some scholars employ a literary approach, such as in Klein 1965 (cited under Books with Significant Chapters on Dialogues Treating the Virtues), which connects an assessment of the drama of a dialogue to its assessment of the argument. And other scholars take an analytic approach, such as in Vlastos 1978 (cited under Books on Plato with Noteworthy Chapters on Plato\u2019s Political Philosophy), which assesses a dialogue with little or no reference to its dramatic elements. See Griswold 1988 (cited under Books with Significant Chapters on Plato\u2019s Overtly Political Dialogues) for more on these debates. Central substantive controversies include matters such as the following: What precisely is Plato\u2019s understanding of the forms of government, of the soul, and of justice and other virtues? Are the virtues linked or disparate? What does Plato mean by connecting virtue and knowledge? How is his understanding of politics connected to his broader discussion of the \u201cgood\u201d and of the ideas or forms? These matters have issued in an enormous body of interpretive material: they have been grappled with not only by early-21st-century and earlier scholars, but also by the greatest minds of the ancient, medieval, and modern world.<\/p>","DOI":"10.1093\/obo\/9780199756223-0198","type":"reference-entry","created":{"date-parts":[[2016,11,28]],"date-time":"2016-11-28T09:20:43Z","timestamp":1480324843000},"source":"Crossref","is-referenced-by-count":0,"title":["Plato\u2019s Political Thought"],"prefix":"10.1093","author":[{"given":"Mark","family":"Blitz","sequence":"first","affiliation":[]},{"given":"J. Michael","family":"Hoffpauir","sequence":"additional","affiliation":[]}],"member":"286","published-online":{"date-parts":[[2016,11,28]]},"container-title":["Political Science"],"original-title":["Plato\u2019s Political Thought"],"language":"en","deposited":{"date-parts":[[2021,9,23]],"date-time":"2021-09-23T19:28:00Z","timestamp":1632425280000},"score":13.806126,"resource":{"primary":{"URL":"https:\/\/oxfordbibliographies.com\/view\/document\/obo-9780199756223\/obo-9780199756223-0198.xml"}},"issued":{"date-parts":[[2016,11,28]]},"ISBN":["9780199756223"],"references-count":0,"URL":"https:\/\/doi.org\/10.1093\/obo\/9780199756223-0198","published":{"date-parts":[[2016,11,28]]}},{"indexed":{"date-parts":[[2024,5,3]],"date-time":"2024-05-03T10:30:14Z","timestamp":1714732214148},"reference-count":0,"publisher":"Oxford University Press","isbn-type":[{"value":"9780199756223","type":"electronic"}],"content-domain":{"domain":[],"crossmark-restriction":false},"abstract":"
This article explores why the younger generation of China\u2019s emergent middle class embraces conspicuous consumption but is not interested in politics. Collectively, this behavior is motivated by the quest for social recognition and status, but there are also signs the behavior is sanctioned\u2014if not subtly guided\u2014by the ruling Communist party\u2019s logic of governing. Using the Foucauldian concept of \u201cgovernmentality,\u201d this article posits that the authoritarian Chinese regime tacitly utilizes noncoercive means to direct the middle class away from activism toward conspicuous consumption. Specifically, through tactics like real name registration (RNR) and value-laden mass media ads and programs, an environment is created that encourages conspicuous consumption as a form of calculated \u201cpastoral\u201d control. This allows government to guide without confrontation. Consequently, the emergent middle class is confronted with the pressure to navigate their own consumption patterns to align with the government\u2019s quasi-veiled preferences that the citizenry should engage with materialist consumption rather than politics. China uses governmentality to orient the new middle-class citizen to consume and to steer away from political engagement that poses a possible threat to the communist regime. Despite insightful arguments about both consumption and governmentality and a growing scholarly interest in the rise of the middle class in China few studies examine the relationship between the conspicuous consumption habits of the Chinese middle class and the governmentality of the ruling party, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). Mass media and consumer culture reinforce each other to create a stable climate based upon market rationality and consumerism. The CCP has two roles in indoctrinating the new middle class through noncoercive ways. The mobilization of mass media in terms of real name registration and traditional media outlets such as newspapers reflect a way of life that allows middle class citizens to maintain their good life and status to pursue their dreams under Xi\u2019s regime. This status persists through consumption for the self and others (as a practice of gift giving) alongside apolitical involvement. The CCP focuses on entrepreneurs\u2019 success stories as the epitome of good citizenship. Participation in political activities is discouraged by removing it from even being mentioned, discussed, or even shown in any of these accounts. This indirectly positions apolitical involvement as a lifestyle that allows citizens to be cosmopolitan individuals and quality (suzhi\u7d20\u8cea) citizens in post-Reform China.<\/p>","DOI":"10.1093\/obo\/9780199756223-0325","type":"reference-entry","created":{"date-parts":[[2020,10,28]],"date-time":"2020-10-28T05:59:24Z","timestamp":1603864764000},"source":"Crossref","is-referenced-by-count":0,"title":["Political Economy of China"],"prefix":"10.1093","author":[{"given":"Eileen Yuk-ha","family":"Tsang","sequence":"first","affiliation":[]}],"member":"286","published-online":{"date-parts":[[2020,10,28]]},"container-title":["Political Science"],"original-title":["Political Economy of China"],"language":"en","deposited":{"date-parts":[[2021,9,23]],"date-time":"2021-09-23T19:37:18Z","timestamp":1632425838000},"score":13.763875,"resource":{"primary":{"URL":"https:\/\/oxfordbibliographies.com\/view\/document\/obo-9780199756223\/obo-9780199756223-0325.xml"}},"issued":{"date-parts":[[2020,10,28]]},"ISBN":["9780199756223"],"references-count":0,"URL":"https:\/\/doi.org\/10.1093\/obo\/9780199756223-0325","published":{"date-parts":[[2020,10,28]]}},{"indexed":{"date-parts":[[2024,5,3]],"date-time":"2024-05-03T10:32:09Z","timestamp":1714732329861},"reference-count":0,"publisher":"Oxford University Press","isbn-type":[{"value":"9780199756223","type":"electronic"}],"content-domain":{"domain":[],"crossmark-restriction":false},"abstract":"
Two of the most enduring threads in the study of Black politics are political participation and representation. Over time, scholars have grappled with the meaningfulness of representation by someone who shares the identity of the represented as well as which acts of participation are effective in achieving the political aims of the group. These bodies of work give scholars much to consider on why Black people engage in politics\u2014from the mass public to the elite level\u2014and push scholars to consider the implications of elites\u2019 decision-making on behalf of the Black community. With the development of the literature, there have also been changes to the political landscape. Namely, the number of Black elected and appointed officials has continued to grow across levels of office, and the idea that large-scale protest was a product of the civil rights movement alone was laid to rest in the face of protests in support of Black Lives Matter. Yet, there continue to be instances in which Black people are prevented from engaging in politics. These literatures remain important reminders of what can be learned from the past and the ever-shifting political context raises new questions that direct where the literature should go next. The literature on Black political participation and political representation have certainly developed separately\u2014the former focused on political behavior and the latter couched in the study of institutions\u2014but what remains a throughline in the study of these topics is the relationship between the mass public and elites. That is, citizens engage in political participation to influence some change\u2014whether that be the behavior of government officials, a policy outcome, or even who is in office altogether. When it comes to representation, there is an expectation that representatives are looking for cues from the public to legislate\u2014whether that be a mandate from being elected to office or explicit messages of the political outcomes that the public wants to see. While these interactions between the mass public and elites are not exclusive to Black politics, what is unique is the political and social meaning that is attached to the relationship between the Black mass public and Black elites. In what follows, this work addresses the foundational concepts that undergird the study of representation and political participation, it turns to our understanding of the role of descriptive representation on legislative outcomes, and then to the implications of Black political participation. Next, this work reviews the literature on the psychological impact of descriptive representation on Black political participation, and how Black political engagement, in turn, shapes the behavior of elites.<\/p>","DOI":"10.1093\/obo\/9780199756223-0374","type":"reference-entry","created":{"date-parts":[[2024,3,20]],"date-time":"2024-03-20T06:53:50Z","timestamp":1710917630000},"source":"Crossref","is-referenced-by-count":0,"title":["Black Political Participation and Representation"],"prefix":"10.1093","author":[{"given":"Jamil","family":"Scott","sequence":"first","affiliation":[]}],"member":"286","published-online":{"date-parts":[[2024,3,21]]},"container-title":["Political Science"],"original-title":["Black Political Participation and Representation"],"language":"en","deposited":{"date-parts":[[2024,3,20]],"date-time":"2024-03-20T06:53:50Z","timestamp":1710917630000},"score":13.746245,"resource":{"primary":{"URL":"https:\/\/oxfordbibliographies.com\/display\/document\/obo-9780199756223\/obo-9780199756223-0374.xml"}},"issued":{"date-parts":[[2024,3,21]]},"ISBN":["9780199756223"],"references-count":0,"URL":"https:\/\/doi.org\/10.1093\/obo\/9780199756223-0374","published":{"date-parts":[[2024,3,21]]}},{"indexed":{"date-parts":[[2024,9,11]],"date-time":"2024-09-11T15:51:51Z","timestamp":1726069911919},"edition-number":"1","reference-count":0,"publisher":"Routledge","isbn-type":[{"type":"electronic","value":"9780429284199"}],"content-domain":{"domain":[],"crossmark-restriction":false},"published-print":{"date-parts":[[2019,11,21]]},"DOI":"10.4324\/9780429284199-1","type":"book-chapter","created":{"date-parts":[[2020,3,5]],"date-time":"2020-03-05T07:59:04Z","timestamp":1583395144000},"page":"xi-xiii","source":"Crossref","is-referenced-by-count":0,"title":["Political Science"],"prefix":"10.4324","member":"301","container-title":["Political Science and Political Theory"],"language":"en","deposited":{"date-parts":[[2021,4,3]],"date-time":"2021-04-03T09:32:08Z","timestamp":1617442328000},"score":13.737738,"resource":{"primary":{"URL":"https:\/\/www.taylorfrancis.com\/books\/9781000705645\/chapters\/10.4324\/9780429284199-1"}},"editor":[{"given":"J","family":"Blondel","sequence":"first","affiliation":[]}],"issued":{"date-parts":[[2019,11,21]]},"ISBN":["9780429284199"],"references-count":0,"URL":"https:\/\/doi.org\/10.4324\/9780429284199-1","published":{"date-parts":[[2019,11,21]]}}],"items-per-page":20,"query":{"start-index":0,"search-terms":"Political+Science"}}}